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GERMANY
Germany has always been the problem child
of Europe. For over a millennium it was no more
than a loose confederation of separate states
and territories, whose number at times topped
the thousand mark. When unification belatedly
came about in 1871, it was achieved almost exclusively
by military might; as a direct result of this,
the new nation was consumed by a thirst for power
and expansion abroad. Defeat in World War I only
led to a desire for revenge, the consequence of
which was the Third Reich, a regime bent on mass
genocide and an European, indeed world, domination.
It took another tragic global war to crush this
system and its people. When the victors quarrelled
over how to prevent Germany ever again becoming
dominant, they divided it into two hostile states;
the parts held by the Western powers were developed
into the Federal Republic of Germany, while the
eastern zone occupied by the Soviets became the
German Democratic Republic.
The contest between the two was an unequal one
– the GDR, never able to break free from being
a client state of the Soviet Union and forced
to adopt a Communist system at odds with the national
character, had fallen so far behind its rival
in living standards that in 1961 the authorities
constructed electrified barbed-wire frontier,
with the Berlin Wall as its lynchpn, to halt emigration
– the first time in the history of the world that
a fortification system had been erected by a regime
against its own people. Thereafter, the society
settled down, but the GDR was a grey, cheerless
place whose much trumpeted economic success was
a mirage, and bought at the price of terrible
pollution problems. On the other hand, the Federal
Republic – which was seen as the natural successor
to the old Reich, if only on account of its size
– had not only picked itself up by the boot-straps,
but developed into what many outsiders regarded
as a model modern society. A nation with little
in the way of a liberal tradition, and even less
of a democratic one, quickly developed a degree
of political maturity that put other countries
to shame. In atonement for past sins, the new
state committed itself to providing a haven for
foreign refugees and dissidents. It also became
a multiracial and multicultural society – even
if the reason for this was less one of penance
than the self-interested need to acquire extra
cheap labour to fuel the economic boom.
A delicate balance was struck between the old
and the new. Historic town centres were immaculately
restored, while the corporate skyscrapers and
well-stocked department stores represented a commitment
to a modern consume society. Vast sums of money
were lavished on preserving the best of the country
cultural legacy, yet equally generous budgets
were allocated to encouraging all kinds of contemporary
expression in the arts. Officially, the Federal
Republic was always a "provisional" state, biding
its time before national reunification occurred.
Yet there was a realization that nobody outside
Germany was really much in favour of this. "I
love Germany so much I'm glad there are two of
them", scoffed the French novelist François Mauriac,
articulating the unspoken gut reactions of the
powers on both sides of the Iron Curtain. German
division may have been cruel, but at least it
had provided a lasting solution to the German
"problem". Such thinking was rendered obsolete
by the unstoppable momentum of events in the wake
of the Wende, the peaceful revolution that toppled
the Communist regime in the GDR in 1989, leading
to the full union of the two Germanys less than
a year later. Yet initial euphoria has been quickly
replaced by concern about the myriad problems
facing the new nation as it attempts to integrate
the bankrupt social and economic system of the
GDR into the successful framework of the Federal
Republic. While Germany may officially be one
again, it will certainly continue to look and
feel like two separate countries until the end
of the century – and probably well beyond.
Moreover, international pressure had ensured that,
far from being a re-creation of the old Reich,
it can be no more than the nineteenth-century
concept of a Kleines Deutschland ("little Germany"),
excluding not only Austria but also the "lost"
Eastern Territories, which are now part of Poland,
the Czech Republic and the Russian Federation.
In total contrast to Germany's intristic fascination
as the country which has played such a determining
role in the history of the twentieth century is
its otherwise predominantly romantic image. This
is the land of fairy-tale castles, of thick dark
forests, of the legends collected by the Brothers
Grimm, of perfectly preserved timber-framed medieval
towns, and of jovial locals swilling from huge
foaming mugs of beer. As always, there is some
truth in these stereotypes, though most of them
stem from the southern part of the country, particularly
Bavaria, which, as a predominantly rural and Catholic
area, stands apart from the urbanized Protestant
north which engineered the unity of the nation
last century and thereafter dominated its affairs.
Regional characteristics, indeed, are a strong
feature of German life, and there are many hangovers
from the days when the country was a political
patchwork, even though some historical provinces
have vanished from the map and others have merged.
Hamburg and Bremen, for example, retain their
age-old status as free cities. The imperial capital,
Berlin, also stands apart, as an island in the
midst of the erstwhile GDR where the liberalism
of the West was pushed to its extreme, sometimes
decadent, always exciting. In polar opposition
to it, and as a corrective to the normal view
of the Germans as an essentially serious race,
is the Rhineland, where the great river's majestic
sweep has spawned a particularly rich fund of
legends and folklore, and where the locals are
imbued with a Mediterranean-type sense of fun.
The five new Länder which have supplanted the
GDR, and in particular the small towns and rural
areas, are in many ways the ones which best encapsulate
the feel and appearance of Germany as it was before
the war and the onset of foriegn influences which
were an inevitable consequence of defeat.
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